How German Companies Bribed Their Way to Greek Deals

Complicit in Corruption

How German Companies Bribed Their Way to Greek Deals

By Jörg Schmitt

dpa

Greece's rampant corruption is one of the reasons why the country's economy is in such a mess. German companies have taken advantage of the system for years in order to secure lucrative deals

Miza and fakelaki are the lubrication that keeps the Greek economy running smoothly. Fakelaki -- literally "small envelope" -- is a payment used when Greeks need to be treated by a doctor or are having trouble with a tax auditor.

Miza, on the other hand, is the money that doesn't fit into a small envelope and requires something bigger, like a suitcase, or when the cash needs to be squirreled away in an account in one of the world's many tax havens. Without miza -- i.e., bribes -- virtually no foreign company could do business in Greece. Large government contracts are particularly prone to miza.

These deals often allow millions to flow via shell corporations around the world and back into the pockets of industrialists, civil servants, the military and politicians. Meanwhile, the payments are usually declared on the company's books as commissions for negotiating contracts. And German industry is one of the major players in the game of miza Monopoly.

Highly Lucrative Deals

Germany is one of Greece's leading trading partners. Last year, Germany exported goods worth €6.7 billion ($8.5 billion) to Greece -- compared to a volume of imports of only €1.9 billion. But what methods are used to achieve this enormous surplus?

According to the US Securities and Exchange Commission, for example, German carmaker Daimler has paid miza in past years to pave the way for vehicle deliveries to Greece. And even Germany's national railway operator Deutsche Bahn apparently resorted to bribes to win an underground railway contract in the run-up to the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens. To clinch the deal, a six-digit sum was reportedly given to a Greek decision-maker via an adviser. Transparency International rates Greece as the one of the most corrupt countries in Europe.

Such business deals are highly lucrative -- even with miza. "Anyone who pays bribes to get a government contract can pad his margin with a few extra million," says one investigator. "The excessive prices are of course shouldered by taxpayers."

This man must know what he is talking about -- he's been investigating for years the Siemens corruption scandal, in which a double-digit million euro amount was allegedly siphoned off for kickbacks in Greece. The Siemens branch in Athens reportedly relied on such sums to fuel the company's business deals in Greece until the year 2006. This included contracts with the former state-owned telecommunications company OTE, surveillance and security technology in connection with the 2004 Olympic Games, and underground railways.

Massive Slush Fund

Investigators into the Siemens scandal have found that the company's Greek branch needed an annual slush fund of some €15 million. To secure the €500 million OTE contract alone, the firm allegedly paid €35 million in miza in the late 1990s. At Siemens headquarters in Munich, they spoke with great admiration of their branch in Athens for years -- hardly any other national subsidiary had delivered such impressive results.

Even politicians in Athens have allegedly benefited from the deal. According to statements made by company executives involved in the payoffs, up to 2 percent of the revenues from the Siemens Hellas telecommunications division were paid to the two main political parties, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement, better known as PASOK, and the conservative New Democracy. In Athens one never knows which government will remain in office -- or for how long. Both parties have denied accepting any payments.

The German defense industry has also apparently been just as active as Siemens in Greece. Athens spends between €3 billion and €4 billion on arms imports each year, according to estimates -- an absurd amount for such a small country. German arms manufacturers have reaped the greatest benefits from these sales. Between 2004 and 2008 alone, they delivered roughly a third of Greece's defense imports.

Munich's state prosecutor is currently investigating whether everything was done by the book during the sale of four submarines. The order amounted to nearly €3 billion, and €2 billion had to be paid in advance -- which is unusual for such deals.

Dubious Payments

Investigators became suspicious when they discovered a questionable payment to a supposed consultant for the deal. A few years ago, a Greek man reportedly contacted the Essen-based conglomerate Ferrostaal and demanded a double-digit million euro amount in connection with the submarine transaction. At the time, Ferrostaal had formed a consortium with ThyssenKrupp subsidiary HDW. When company executives in Essen refused to pay, the man threatened them with a lawsuit.
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• Part 1: How German Companies Bribed Their Way to Greek Deals
• Part 2: Millions Paid to 'Consultants'

10/17/2011 12:43 PM

Germans Question Contract

France to Sell Frigates to Greece in Controversial Deal

Berlin is unhappy about a weapons deal in which France plans to supply warships to highly indebted Greece free of charge for the first five years, and at a big discount when payment comes due. Firms and politicians in Germany say taxpayers may end up paying for part of the deal, and they want Chancellor Angela Merkel to intervene.

A huge arms deal is threatening to put French-German relations under strain. According to information obtained by SPIEGEL, France wants to deliver two to four new frigates to the Greek navy and to allow the highly indebted nation to postpone payment of the €300 million ($412 million) purchase price per ship for the next five years.
Under the deal, Greece will have the option of paying up after five years, with a significant discount of €100 million, or returning them to the French navy. The "stealth" frigates are designed to avoid detection by enemy radar and are built by state-owned French defense company DCNS.
The deal is being criticized by German rivals that have been competing for the contract for years.
In a letter to the German government, an executive from the ThyssenKrupp group complained that the vessel purchase will in effect be co-financed by German taxpayers because Greece, reliant on aid from the European Union and International Monetary Fund, may have to restructure its debts.
'The Chancellor Must Stop Her Friend Sarkozy'
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• http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,792189,00.html

RELATED SPIEGEL ONLINE LINKS:

• The Merkel Doctrine: Tank Exports to Saudi Arabian Signal German Policy Shift (10/14/2011)
  http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,791380,00.html
• Complicit in Corruption: How German Companies Bribed Their Way to Greek Deals (05/11/2010)
  http://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/0,1518,693973,00.html
• Booming Business: Germany Now World's Third Largest Arms Exporter (03/15/2010)

Non - Stop Aufregung rund um den Nationalitaeten Wechsel der Griechischen Minderheit in Albanien

08.02.2007
Griechische Minderheit in Albanien: Vom Störfaktor zum Wegbereiter

Im Gespräch mit einer griechischen Albanerin

Zu den 3,1 Millionen Einwohnern Albaniens zählen auch 150.000 Griechen. Sie stellen die größte ethnische Minderheit und leben vor allem im Süden des Landes. Ein DW-Reporter hat die Region bereist und sich dort umgehört.

 

Im Dienstwagen des albanischen Arbeitsministers hört der albanische Fahrer griechische Musik. Der Minister heißt Kostas Barkas. Er ist griechischer Abstammung und kommt aus der „Partei für die Union der Menschenrechte", die in der Koalition unter Premier Sali Berisha mitregiert. Das ist ein Zeichen für die Umwandlung Berishas vom Saulus zum Paulus. In seiner ersten Regierungsperiode war er ein entschiedener Gegner der griechischen Minderheit. Heute ist er ihr größter Gönner.

Theorie und Praxis

Der Schutz der Minderheiten in Albanien ist heutzutage unumstritten; zumindest theoretisch. In der Realität sehe es anders aus, meint der Vorsitzende der „Partei für die Union der Menschenrechte", Vangelis Doules: "Es gibt eine unüberbrückbare Kluft zwischen dem Gesetz auf dem Papier einerseits und der Praxis im Alltag. Viele Aspekte der internationalen Konventionen werden nicht respektiert. Dafür gibt es zwei Hauptgründe: es fehlen die Mechanismen des Staates für die Umsetzung der Gesetze einerseits und andererseits fehlt sehr oft auch der politische Wille."

Kritik an Geschichtsbüchern

Das zeigen die Schulbücher für Geschichte und Heimatkunde. Der Vize-Direktor der Pädagogischen Akademie in Gjrokastra, Dimitris Kikis, bemängelt, dass diese Bücher das Bild Großalbaniens vom Kosovo bis Skopje und Nordgriechenland präsentieren. Solche Bücher gehören der Vergangenheit und nicht der Zukunft an, prangert der Journalist Orfeas Mpetsis an: „Sowohl in der EU als auch bei der UNESCO gibt es einen gemeinsamen Geist, was die Überwindung des nationalen Hasses in den Schulbüchern betrifft. Gegen diesen Geist verstoßen diese Bücher. Es ist eine doppelte Provokation, wenn diese Schulbücher auch für die griechische Minderheit übersetzt und in den Schulen benutzt werden.“ Diese Bücher unterminierten auch das freundschaftliche Verhältnis zu Griechenland, mit dem Albanien in der NATO und der EU zusammenarbeiten wolle. „Das ist kein geeigneter Lehrstoff für die Generation, die mit den Griechen in der europäischen Familie zusammenleben wird", gibt Mpetsis zu bedenken.

Fortschritt in Bildung und Politik

Seit letzten September gibt es im südalbanischen Himara eine griechische Schule, die erste seit 50 Jahren. Es ist eine Privatschule mit Modellcharakter. In mehreren Städten sollen weitere folgen. Auch für Kinder von Albanern, die nach Griechenland emigriert sind, eine attraktive Alternative. Im Süden des Landes ist die politische Organisation OMONOIA eine dominierende Kraft. Sie hatte bei den letzten Parlamentswahlen gut abgeschnitten und deshalb konnte sie den Präfekten von Gjrokastra und Tepelena stellen. So wurde Spyros Xeras der erste Grieche auf diesem Posten. Er scheut sich nicht, die Probleme der griechischen Minderheit offen anzusprechen. „Die Eigentumsfrage ist noch ungeklärt. Unsere Leute müssen vor Gericht gehen. Und wie Sie wissen, funktionieren die Gerichte, die Staatsanwaltschaften und die ganze Justiz nicht besonders gut. Das ist ein großes Problem für die gesamte albanische Gesellschaft und ein noch größeres Problem für die griechische Minderheit." Darunter leidet besonders die orthodoxe Kirche, die ihr Eigentum einklagt. Nun haben die staatlichen Behörden die Aufgabe, diesen letzten Störfaktor in der Beziehung zu der orthodoxen Kirche zu beseitigen.

Interesse an Informationen in Griechisch

Wer heute durch die Dörfer der griechischen Minderheit im Süden Albaniens fährt, sieht oft Ortstafel in zwei Sprachen - als Manifestierung des politischen Willens für die Zweisprachigkeit, selbst wenn Ortstafeln beschädigt werden. Die Griechen, die in Albanien leben, haben Zugang zu Informationen auch in ihrer Muttersprache. Eine Reihe von Zeitungen erscheint auf Griechisch - etwa die „Tachydromos" (Der Briefträger) oder die zweisprachige Zeitung "to Orama" (Die Vision). Das staatliche Fernsehen bietet im Raum Gjirokastra eine halbstündige Sendung in griechischer Sprache. Das Angebot müsse erweitert werden, das Interesse sei groß, sagt die Journalistin Elena Kaloudi. Die griechische Minderheit lebe zusammen mit den Albanern und nicht parallel zu ihnen, unterstreicht Vangelis Doules, dessen Partei eine entscheidende Rolle auf dem Weg Albaniens in die EU spielen soll: "Wir kämpfen in der erste Reihe für die Europäisierung des Landes und die Aufnahme in die euro-atlantischen Strukturen. Aus ganz praktischen Gründen: nur wenn unser Land die europäischen Prinzipien erfüllt, werden auch die Minderheitsrechte garantiert. Die griechische Minderheit hat immer für Fortschritt und Entwicklung gekämpft."

Bald werden sie auch dafür belohnt. Nach einer Vereinbarung zwischen den Regierungen in Athen und Tirana können demnächst die in Albanien lebenden Griechen auch die griechische Staatsangehörigkeit erwerben.....

http://www.dw-world.de/dw/article/0,,2341779,00.html
Saturday, May 28, 2011

Greek Consular Service in Albania do not know the nationality certificates

GJIROKASTER-As of May 23 the Interior Ministry has applied the new certificates, which have also arrived at the offices of registrar of Gjirokastra. According to the Albanian media, the new sheets of this document have been received to date 23, and their distribution started on Monday this week.

Compared to the old format of the new certificate is issued by introducing the element of national citizenship only. According to the civil employees of the residents had no complaints about this detail, while kërshëria came from the area of ​​minority citizens, who have asked about the changes.
The daily "Gazeta Shqiptare" informed today that the new format has brought chaos at the Greek consulate, where they openly refused to accept a certificate which is not given "nationality."

Dozens of people who are presented with various documents, to update them sealed and are not allowed and actions are not done turning back these people. Immediate was the response of the organization OMONIA previous day and considered tendentious issue of new format of certificates. According to her, the removal of nationality is an open violation of minority rights. One of the returning residents today told "Gazeta Shqiptare" unjust action of the consulate.

http://smarkos.blogspot.com/2011/05/greek-consular-service-in-albania-do.html

EU: Greece - Albania Gross-Border Programme

Greece – Albania

The present IPA Cross-Border Programme Greece/Albania is the product of a bilateral “Task Force”, responsible for the joint and interactive planning effort between the two countries.
Overall Objective of the Programme
The Global Objective of the programme is to increase the standard of living of the population by promoting sustainable local development in the cross-border area. This objective will be pursued along two Strategic Priorities:
 

Priority I	Enhancement of cross-border economic development
Priority II	Promotion and development of the environment and natural and cultural resources
Priority III	Technical assistance

  Programme Management
The Managing Authority of the Programme is the CIP INTERREG at the Ministry of Economy and Finance in Thessaloniki, Greece. Joint Technical Secretariat is located in Thessaloniki.
E-mail: interreg@mou.gr
Programme website: http://www.interreg.gr/default.aspx?page=237

Eligible areas
The Programme eligible border area is composed of the following NUTS III regions:
Florina, Ioannina, Kastoria, Kerkira, Thesprotia in Greece;
Gjirokaster, Korçë, Vlorë in Albania; and
Grevena (under the territorial flexibility rule set out in Article 97 of the IPA Implementing Regulation).

Lies, Damned Lies, and Medical Science

Much of what medical researchers conclude in their studies is misleading, exaggerated, or flat-out wrong. So why are doctors—to a striking extent—still drawing upon misinformation in their everyday practice? Dr. John Ioannidis has spent his career challenging his peers by exposing their bad science.

By David H. Freedman

Image credit: Robyn Twomey/Redux
In 2001, rumors were circulating in Greek hospitals that surgery residents, eager to rack up scalpel time, were falsely diagnosing hapless Albanian immigrants with appendicitis. At the University of Ioannina medical school’s teaching hospital, a newly minted doctor named Athina Tatsioni was discussing the rumors with colleagues when a professor who had overheard asked her if she’d like to try to prove whether they were true—he seemed to be almost daring her. She accepted the challenge and, with the professor’s and other colleagues’ help, eventually produced a formal study showing that, for whatever reason, the appendices removed from patients with Albanian names in six Greek hospitals were more than three times as likely to be perfectly healthy as those removed from patients with Greek names. “It was hard to find a journal willing to publish it, but we did,” recalls Tatsioni. “I also discovered that I really liked research.” Good thing, because the study had actually been a sort of audition. The professor, it turned out, had been putting together a team of exceptionally brash and curious young clinicians and Ph.D.s to join him in tackling an unusual and controversial agenda.
Last spring, I sat in on one of the team’s weekly meetings on the medical school’s campus, which is plunked crazily across a series of sharp hills. The building in which we met, like most at the school, had the look of a barracks and was festooned with political graffiti. But the group convened in a spacious conference room that would have been at home at a Silicon Valley start-up. Sprawled around a large table were Tatsioni and eight other youngish Greek researchers and physicians who, in contrast to the pasty younger staff frequently seen in U.S. hospitals, looked like the casually glamorous cast of a television medical drama. The professor, a dapper and soft-spoken man named John Ioannidis, loosely presided.
One of the researchers, a biostatistician named Georgia Salanti, fired up a laptop and projector and started to take the group through a study she and a few colleagues were completing that asked this question: were drug companies manipulating published research to make their drugs look good?
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http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2010/11/lies-damned-lies-and-medical-science/8269/

 Albania: a hotspot for organ trafficking.